Costa Rica is a symbol and example for democrats in Latin America. Situated in a continent and, furthermore, a region where violence, coup d’états, militarism, and de facto regimes have been recurrent, this country has swam against the tide for over a century. In fact, one of the most significant milestones is commemorated every November 7th, since 1942, as the Day of Costa Rican Democracy. In 1889, some seven thousand citizens armed with sticks and machetes took the streets to defend the results of an electoral process that had taken place that day, against the government’s intention to impose a result.
There are abundant lessons and matters in the Costa Rican case that deserve to be debated with seriousness and willingness. Primarily, that its democracy has been built over time. In the mentioned date of 1889—130 years ago—, a gradual evolution began in the juridical, institutions and political culture of the country; by 1950 it was possible to establish the model with which that democracy has worked for almost seven decades.
Immediately after its Independence, in 1821, first electoral system was created, which grew in electorate and voters during the XIX century. At first the voters—back then, only men—elected the parochial delegates who, in turn, voted for the authorities of each province. Later they established the direct vote and the secret vote in 1913 and 1925, respectively; extended the suffrage to women in 1952; and reduced the voting age from 21 to 18 years. In the course of a century, only three governments reached power through mechanisms other than electoral ones. Costa Rica teaches us that democracy is a gradual conquest that consolidates step by step.
Another fundamental element in its history happened on December 1st, 1948, when president José Figueres Ferrer—father of Christiana Figueres, the admirable woman whose persistent diligences were fundamental to achieving the signing of the Paris Agreement on climate change, in December 2015—, in an act with extraordinary repercussion at the Bellavista barrack, abolished the army and handed over the keys of the building to the representatives of the University of Costa Rica, founded in 1940. That building is now the headquarters of the National Museum of Costa Rica. The dissolution of the army established a unique model in the world: Peace without weapons.
In addition, Costa Rica’s legal framework does not contemplate the immediate re-election of the president, who must wait 8 years to return to office. From 1958 to this date, only the Social Democrat Oscar Arias Sánchez, Nobel Peace Prize winner in 1987, has governed Costa Rica twice—from 1986 to 1990 and from 2006 to 2010. Another essential information, which may seem obvious but is not, is that the reputation of the Supreme Electoral Tribunal has managed to endure. Since 1949, Costa Rica has enjoyed the privilege of regularly organizing successful electoral processes.
Those who know Costa Rica and have studied this phenomenon say that Costa Ricans feel pride in their democracy. Culturally, the nation gravitates towards the non-violent resolution of conflicts. To resolve things <>a la tica<> means to agree, even on the most complex or difficult issues. It is likely that this ‘agreeing’ does not always benefit the two parties or all the factors in conflict. But this will always be better than taking the path of polarization, of open confrontation, and the use of non-democratic mechanisms to impose oneself. Costa Rica’s democracy has settled the logic of stability for decades. Citizens and institutions have valued stability, above social, political, and economic discrepancies or conflicts, which exist, as in any other parts of the continent.
This scenario of cultural and political achievements has a structural interrelation with other factors. According to the 2018 Social Panorama document, prepared by ECLAC, Costa Rica is—after Chile, Uruguay, Brazil, and Argentina—one of the countries that is above average in social spending for health, housing, education, social programs, recreation, cultural promotion, protection of the environment, and religion. On average, the Costa Rican social spending per person is $1,176, while the continent’s average is $894. When comparing social spending in Costa Rica with that of the neighboring countries—such as El Salvador ($320), and Guatemala and Honduras (below $220)—we can observe an immediate association between political stability and social investment.
This sustained social investment policy, which is about 22 or 23% of the GDP, has had a very important effect: the growth of the middle class. In 1992, about 18% of the population qualified as middle class. Two decades later, that number had gone up to 44%, approximately. Once again, above the Latin American average of 34 or 35%. For fifty years, until 2017, the average economic growth was 5.3%, while that of Latin America was 4.4%.
Thanks to that strength, the number of Costa Rican professionals who hold high responsibilities in multilateral organizations and large corporations is remarkable. Costa Rica must be one of the great exporters of talent in Latin America. It also has one of the highest rates women in its parliament in the world: 46%.
However, this panorama of advantages is not without threats. Out of the almost 5 million inhabitants, almost 22% live in poverty. And a little more than a quarter of this group is in extreme poverty. It should be added that, according to measurements of the National Institute of Statistics and Census, 10.3% of the active population is unemployed.
Between 1999 and 2009, the annual inflation rate was relatively high, ranging between 7.8 and 13.8%. As of 2010, a decline began to occur. In 2016 it surprisingly closed at 0.6%. It began to climb again in 2017 to 1.7%, and in 2018 to 2.03%. But, in spite of these positive recent indicators, different experts have been warning that, in the last decade, the incomes of the middle class have stagnated. Moreover, there is a growth of inequality. According to figures released by the 2018 National Household Survey, conducted by the National Institute of Statistics and Census, in one year, poverty increased by 1.1%; and critical poverty by 0.6%, which, in statistical terms, is sufficient cause to sound the alarms.
In May 2018, the social democrat Carlos Alvarado Quesada was inaugurated into office until 2022. Undoubtedly, his most strategic challenges include stopping the growth of and reversing inequality. Other problems that affect Costa Ricans are: the increase in citizen insecurity; cases of corruption that have caused unrest; the impact of climate change on agricultural production; and the stagnation of the economy, which hinders reducing unemployment, among others. These scourges will put the Government and organized civil society to the test over the next few years.
All of this to say Costa Rica is at a crucial moment. Either it leads an economic and institutional process to reverse the negative tendencies, which would consolidate the national democratic pact, or it could advance towards a weakening of the citizens’ confidence in its model, which would open the ground to the forces of anti-democratic populism, always lurking from both extremes of the right and the left.
Para español lea El Nacional Debates Latinos: Costa Rica
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Cover Image of the National Museum of Costa Rica: Wikipedia author Museonacionalcr