The Guarani Ñe’ẽ Rerekuapavẽ (GÑR)—the Guaraní Language Academy (ALG)—must be a unique institution in Latin America. Guaraní is one of approximately 500 languages of indigenous origin alive in the continent. Some, as is the case in Brazil, barely have few speakers and are at risk of disappearing. This is not the case of Guaraní, which is spoken by about 87% of the Paraguayan population of almost 7.2 million.
The fact that the ALG coexists with the Paraguayan Language Academy (APARLE, established in 1927) can be attributed to the constitution passed in 1992, which recognized Guaraní as an official language, along with Castilian Spanish. Two years later, Guaraní was introduced to the educational system. In 2010, the Law of Paraguayan Languages was promulgated. This law facilitated the path to creating the ALG, which has taken on fundamental tasks, such as establishing rules for Guaraní writing and speaking, defining the Guaraní alphabet, detailing its grammar (key for all languages), and elaborating the necessary dictionaries. Specially today with frequent new technologies and science discoveries, there exists a need to define new words for everyday use.
35 years of El Stronato
Early February 2019, in Asunción—Paraguay’s capital—, as well as in Ciudad del Este, Luque, San Lorenzo, and Capiatá, there were demonstrations, book presentations, photographic exhibitions, some forums, and cultural activities, to commemorate 30 years since the end of the dictatorship. Eloquently, civil society sectors, rather than the government, promoted this date. Different voices spoke of a double celebration: the end of the Stroessner era and, simultaneously, the eight presidents that have succeeded in power since 1993. There have been moments of great tension throughout this period. For example, the resignation of President Raúl Cubas after the assassination of Vice President Luis Mará Argaña, or the removal of President Fernando Lugo in 2012, accused of omissions and poor performance in his position. Yet, despite these complex and difficult conjunctures, Paraguayan democracy has been able to overcome them and continue promoting a model of living together.
It has been thirty years since Alfredo Stroessner’s dictatorship, and it is possible that the youngest readers do not recall one of the most painful and dark periods of Latin American politics of the XX Century. Stroessner ruled from August 1954 until February 1989, in a 35-year period known as “El Stronato.” After Fidel Castro, he is the leader with the longest term in the continent. El Stronato ended with a coup d’état led by the General Andrés Rodríguez Perroti—his partner, father in law to his son, and above all, a soldier who was considered a loyal man and under the orders of the dictator.
During El Stronato—when he forced to be reelected, appealing to different methods in seven occasions—, the dictatorship disappeared or assassinated almost four thousand social and political leaders. Particularly, the members of the Paraguayan Communist Party, which encouraged the creation of the armed movement National Liberation United Front (FULNA), later persecuted and defeated. Stroessner established a regime that, without complying with legal procedures, raided, detained, tortured, and imposed silence. Some statistics cite that almost 19 thousand people were tortured by the regimen and almost 4 thousand were forced to leave their country.
Shift towards democracy and remaining pains from El Stronato
When Rodríguez Perroti assumed power, many thought that the dictatorship continued being the same; that the conductor was the only thing that changed. To their surprise, the new ruler imprisoned Stroessner, suspended the martial law—a kind of indefinite state of emergency in Paraguay—, legalized the opposition’s political parties, eliminated the death penalty, and called elections—just like he had promised from day one.
Despite this important step towards achieving democracy, the historic Partido Colorado–Stroessner and Rodríguez Perroti’s political party—has maintained some power hegemony. Between 1989 and 2008, the Colorado Party retained power, with a succession of presidents: Wasmosy, Cubas, González Macchi, and Duarte Frutos. This period was followed by a short change, with the controversial presidency of Fernando Lugo, who was impeached in 2012 and replaced by his vice president, Federico Franco, until the end of his term in 2013. Since then, the Colorado Party has been in power with the consecutive electoral victories of the presidents Horacio Cartesand Mario Abdo Benítez.
There is a particular explanation for the government’s absence in the celebration of the end of the dictatorship last February. More than the historic tie with the conservative Colorado Party, is the relationship of the incumbent president of Paraguay to the dictatorship. President Mario Abdo Benítez is the son of Mario Abdo, who was Stroessner’s Secretary almost throughout his term. Nonetheless, this silence—in the words of Abdo himself—does not compromise his democratic commitment. On social media, he has been clear about his respect to the separation of powers and democratic values. Nonetheless, this climate does not stop Human Rights organizations from occasionally insisting that there has not been justice done for the dictatorship’s crimes. Similarly, the organizations point out that the successive governments, from 1989 to the present, have taken the path of certain pragmatism. Rather than attending to the victims’ call for justice, the governments have left those facts in the past and are focused on present and future demands of the Paraguayan nation.
Two decades of social and economic achievements
Between 2004 and 2017, according to the World Bank, the Paraguayan economy had an exceptional growth of a 4.5% annual average. This number surpasses the benchmarks of the other countries in the region. Even more relevant is the fact that Paraguay has been able to maintain its economic growth trajectory, despite the economic drop that both Argentina and Brazil—Paraguay’s two largest neighboring countries and importers of Paraguayan agricultural products—have suffered in recent years. Towards the end of 2018, the International Monetary Fundmade the following comparison: while the average of Latin America was 1.2%, Paraguay growth reached 4.4%—making it the “most dynamic economy in the region.” The expectation, for now, is that Paraguay will continue performing this way for the next five years.
Paraguay’s success consists on a series of components that deserve examination. In general terms, after some ups and downs, all its sectors have grown in the last years. Paraguay is one of the largest soy producers in the world, which represent about 40% of its exports. Other agriculture products include corn, sugar, wheat, sesame, and sunflower oil. It is also the first electricity exporter in the continent, and the fourth largest exporter of beef in the world.
In addition to these exports, there have been increases in manufacturing, services, and constructions. Both private consumption and public sector purchases have experienced a boom, which has impacted the growth of imports. Observers who have visited the country in recent times comment that there is an air of prosperity in the cities, especially in Asunción.
Simultaneously, there has been a substantive poverty reduction; experts say it is the highest in the region. According to the World Bank, between 2003 and 2017, extreme poverty was reduced by 65%, and total poverty by 49%. Very importantly, the reduction occurred in both urban and rural areas. The poorest 40% of Paraguayans increased their income at a rate of 4.5% per year, during the 14 years cited.
The middle class, which represented about 19% in 2002, has duplicated—an achievement worth highlighting. This middle class growth, as expected, has become one of the driving factors of the entire economy and, of course, a key player in the demand for better educational, health, and public transport services. The current projections estimate that both poverty reduction and middle class growth will continue, though not at the same rate as in previous years.
Addressing economic and political challenges to come
In this positive context—with an inflation of around 4%, a public debt among the lowest in the region, a prudent fiscal policy, and large international reserves—, Paraguay is facing a great economic and social challenge. It has to avoid being significantly impacted by the difficulties of Argentina and Brazil, as well as that of world markets, and reversing the advances conquered in the last two decades. For a country that substantially depends on its exports, the economic wellbeing of its clients is a precious asset.
Making the most of this privileged moment is not as simple as it seems. The democratic education of society, which must be an incessant process, must continue. The events of April 2017, when a thousand people staged violent riots, assaulted the Congress headquarters, and set fire to one of its main venues, remain fresh in the minds of many. A young man protesting was shot dead by a police officer. The irruption of violence in the context of public debate caused widespread alarm.
These acts of violence broke out when the then president, Horacio Cartes, proposed a constitutional reform to allow him to remain in power. For the Republic of Paraguay to maintain this path towards progress and welfare that it has been promoting for almost twenty years, it will be essential to listen to the calls that were made back in 2017: to avoid the use of violence, respect the legal order of the political parties and the other institutions, and to always maintain the mechanisms of dialogue between the different political forces active.
The Paraguayan political class has the enormous responsibility of managing these prosperous times, so the country can urgently begin modernizing its educational and productive processes, public and social services, and government management. Ultimately, ensuring that these sectors are not left lagging behind the unstoppable advances of the Fourth Industrial Revolution.