This interview is credited to Venezuelan journalist Blanca Vera Azaf and was originally published in Spanish by Bitácora Económica. With their approval, we are collaborating to publish this work in English
The first contact that Republican Caleb McCarry had with Venezuela was in September 2002, when the scars of the coup d’état were still fresh. At that time, the first meeting was held of what would later become known as the Boston Group.
Then-Republican Congressman Cass Ballenger led the U.S. delegation who chaired the House Subcommittee on Western Hemisphere Affairs. Founders of that group included, among others, Democrats William D. Delahunt, Gregory Meeks, John Kerry, and Edward Kennedy.
On the Venezuelan side, the task was assigned to chavista legislators Nicolás Maduro, José Khan, Luis Acuña, Calixto Ortega, Tania D’Amelio, Saúl Ortega, and Victoria Mata, among others. Representing the opposition were Pedro Díaz Blum, Ramón José Medina, Leopoldo Puchi, Leopoldo Martínez Nucete, Luis Beltrán Franco, Carlos Tablante, among others.
Twenty-four years later, McCarry may be one of the Americans who best understands Venezuela’s political process. He is convinced that it is a conflict where too many are unnecessarily involved, and where political hatred has prevented acknowledgment of differences.
His professional career includes serving as Counselor to the CEO of the Development Finance Corporation during President Donald Trump’s first administration. He is currently vice president of Pax Sapiens, an organization dedicated to preventing specific, avoidable catastrophic risks.

— Blanca Vera Azaf (BVA): Why do you think Donald Trump’s administration is once again applying the maximum pressure strategy against Venezuela, knowing it was already a tested and failed formula?
— Caleb McCarry (CMc): I believe those who insist on maximum pressure are the same people who have always advocated for that radical policy in Venezuela. They align with that faction of the opposition, and so we see the same tactic again—and frankly, it seems they have no other tactic.
—BVA: Why doesn’t it work?
— CMc: It doesn’t work because both here and there, they fail to understand that the problem is not chavismo alone. The problem is the conflict with chavismo and between chavismo and the opposition, especially the radical opposition. This is a conflict that has lasted for 25 years. Neither side has been able to eliminate the other, and the situation has worsened by both inviting foreign powers into the conflict.
— BVA: Do you think the United States has failed to understand the Venezuelan reality and its historical process?
— CMc: Yes, absolutely. I believe there have always been missteps here—and I include myself. For many years, we viewed leftist movements in Latin America as foreign communist impositions that would be rejected like in Eastern Europe. That was not true. What we haven’t understood is Latin America’s own history and the nature of these internal conflicts.
— BVA: What’s the logic behind the sanctions policy?
— CMc: In the past, the idea was to create tools to advance U.S. foreign policy objectives without resorting to military force. So sanctions became trendy. The problem was that every issue was seen as being of the same nature and having the same solution—sanctions.
— BVA: Some people think the U.S. has a particular hostility toward Venezuela.
— CMc: Well, yes, and that may be because the policy is driven by hatred, and sanctions are a form of revenge. One side imposes itself over the other in the internal conflict. That’s why I think it hasn’t worked.
— BVA: There are three daily direct flights from Miami to Havana. There is not a single direct flight between the U.S. and Venezuela. That’s hard to understand.
— CMc: Yes. It’s only understandable in the context of what I’ve said: U.S. policy perpetuates the internal conflict that has been going on for 25 years in Venezuela. I believe that’s a mistake. There are many Venezuelans here in the U.S. who contribute greatly and have family in Venezuela. Dividing Venezuelan families is not a solution—it worsens the conflict.
— BVA: Do you think there are really two different positions between Richard Grenell and Marco Rubio, or is this part of a political game?
— CMc: Again, the mistake was Venezuelans involving us in an internal conflict. Here in Washington, many people—if they don’t realize what happened—at least know it hasn’t worked. They also know that destabilizing Venezuela is not in the interest of the U.S. or Venezuela’s neighbors. I think the differences in perspective stem from that.
— BVA: In your opinion, what would be a more effective U.S. foreign policy toward Venezuela?
— CMc: First, I believe we must accept that the Venezuelan conflict can only be resolved by Venezuelans and do everything possible to create conditions for the conflicting parties to find ways to resolve it and rebuild the country.
Second, we must look out for our own interests, just as Venezuelans must look out for theirs. A Venezuelan cannot define those for an American, nor vice versa. And third, Venezuela is, at heart, a democratic country. I believe Venezuelans have a deeply rooted democratic vocation, so any solution must go in that direction.
— BVA: Do you believe Venezuela’s oil is important to the West?
— CMc: Absolutely, and not just because of its vast resources. That’s also part of the problem—how Venezuelans manage those resources so they don’t become the subject of military adventures.
— BVA: Do you really believe companies with over 100 years in Venezuela, like Chevron, will leave because of sanctions? Or will there be a negotiation?
— CMc: U.S. companies that have remained in Venezuela have done so out of a deeper interest than just making money. It’s a commitment to the country. That, I believe, will not change, and it holds value for both Venezuela and the U.S.
— BVA: What impression do you have of Venezuela?
— CMc: When I’ve sat at the table with chavistas, opposition members, and others, I always say the same thing: “All I see here are sons and daughters of the Liberator.” They are all Venezuelans, and my dream is that Venezuelans recognize each other as such.
The link to the original interview in Spanish: https://bitacoraeconomica.com/el-conflicto-venezolano-solo-puede-ser-resuelto-por-venezolanos/