Russia has sought to expand its influence in Latin America, especially since President Vladimir Putin’s decision to invade Ukraine and Russia’s subsequent international isolation. The way Russia expands its influence in Latin America is comparable to its tactics in Africa, where it has primarily sought influence through arms deals, the use of its mercenaries, electoral interference and disinformation.
General John Kelly, Commandant of the United States Marine Corps, testified before the Senate Armed Services Committee, saying: “Periodically since 2008, Russia has pursued a greater presence in Latin America through propaganda, the sale of weapons and military equipment, anti-drug agreements, and trade. However, under President Putin, we have seen a clear return to Cold War tactics. As part of its global strategy Russia is using power projection in an attempt to erode America’s leadership and challenge its influence in the Western Hemisphere.”
Although Russia’s engagement in Latin America is not comparable in volume to China’s, in recent years Russia has significantly deepened its influence in Latin America. It is especially worrying that Russia has not only strengthened its relations with old Latin American partners such as Cuba and Nicaragua,, and with Venezuela. Some actions similar to the Cold War. Yet it is now trying to forge new and stronger relations with countries traditionally oriented towards the United States such as Brazil and Argentina.
Evidence resides in Putin, just before invading Ukraine, met with the presidents of Brazil and Argentina. At the same time while signing a security cooperation agreement with Venezuela.
Ryan C. Berg, director of the Americas Program at (CSIS) wrote in March:
“This is all reminiscent of when then-Russian President Dmitri Medvedev paid an impromptu visit to the region during the 2008 crisis in Georgia, intending to show that Russia was not isolated internationally. Russian aggression in Europe is often followed by a military escalation in Latin America, such as when it sent Tu-160 (nuclear-capable) military bombers to Venezuela for exercises in 2008, 2013 and 2018.”
Dr. Evan Ellis, Research Professor of Latin American Studies at the US Army War College Institute for Strategic Studies testified in July:
“Recent demonstrations of Russia’s hostile intent toward the United States and our partners in the Western Hemisphere include Deputy Foreign Minister Sergey Ryabkov’s suggestion in January 2022 that Russia could deploy military forces to Venezuela or Cuba. The signing of a pact to increase military cooperation with Venezuela, and the reauthorization of Nicaragua for a limited number of Russian troops and equipment to enter the country for training missions and other forms of support is a an examples of Russia’s attempts.
While the reception of Russian military activities has been unique to anti-American authoritarian regimes, the willingness of some others to support and engage with Russia has been concerning. Prime examples include the symbolic and rhetorical support that the governments of Alberto Fernández in Argentina and Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil gave to Vladimir Putin, each while visiting him when his army was poised to invade Ukraine. Alberto Fernández came to offer his Argentine government as Russia’s “gateway” to Latin America. In February, Argentine President Alberto Fernández made it clear that his country would be happy to trade its orientation toward the United States for Russian cooperation. He told Putin:
“We could be a place for the development of its cooperation with Latin American nations… Since the 1990s, Argentina has been strongly oriented towards the United States. Argentina and its economy are highly dependent on the United States and our relations with it. In fact, our debt to the IMF also arose because of this relationship… I am systematically working to rid Argentina of this dependency on the IMF and the United States. I want Argentina to open up to new opportunities. Cooperation with Russia is vital for us. I would like to assure you, and I hope you will accept my assurances, that we want to develop cooperation with Russia.”
In March, General Laura J. Richardson, commander of the US Southern Command, went on to say that Russia is a significant destabilizing factor in Latin America:
“Russia continues to destabilize the region and undermine democracy by flooding the region with disinformation, to include hundreds of articles that distort US security actions. Russia intensifies instability through its ties to Venezuela, its entrenchment in Cuba and Nicaragua, and its extensive disinformation operations. Operating almost unopposed, transnational criminal organizations (TCOs) open a path of corruption and violence that creates conditions that allow the PRC and Russia to exploit, threaten citizen security and undermine public confidence in government institutions.”
In 2020, Russia Today (RT) Spanish-language media outlets more than doubled their social media following, from 7 million to more than 18 million. These disinformation campaigns are just one part of Russia’s broader efforts to influence national elections across the region this year. Russia’s relationship with its main regional partners – Venezuela, Cuba and Nicaragua – allows Moscow to expand its air and sea access to project its military power throughout the region. Russia doubled its naval deployments in this region, from five (2008-2014) to 11 (2015-2020). It Also seeks inroads into the hemisphere by providing security training through $2.3 billion in arms and military equipment sales over the past 10 years, including direct sales to Venezuela.
Russia’s growing influence in Latin America must be seen in conjunction with China’s immense influence in the region. The combination of Chinese and Russian influence operations in Latin America poses a significant threat to US interests in the region. The security of the United States is “directly linked to the resilience, stability, and security of our Latin American and Caribbean partners,” according to General Richardson. Despite this, “the United States has under-invested and deprioritized in the Western Hemisphere for decades,” according to Ryan Berg of the Center for Strategic and International Studies.
The President Biden project for the Build Back Better World could be an effective solution to this problem. The B3W is an initiative undertaken by the G7. Launched in 2021, it would provide an alternative to China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) for infrastructure development of low- and middle-income countries. Especially restructuring their relationship in Latin America.